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영어고전 368 니콜로 마키아벨리의 로마사 논고Ⅰ

영어고전 368 니콜로 마키아벨리의 로마사 논고Ⅰ(English Classics368 Discourses on the First Decade of Titus LiviusⅠ by Niccolo Machiavelli)

니콜로 마키아벨리 (지은이)
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2022-01-15
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영어고전 368 니콜로 마키아벨리의 로마사 논고Ⅰ

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· 제목 : 영어고전 368 니콜로 마키아벨리의 로마사 논고Ⅰ(English Classics368 Discourses on the First Decade of Titus LiviusⅠ by Niccolo Machiavelli) 
· 분류 : eBook > 소설/시/희곡 > 영미소설
· ISBN : 9791168052017

목차

-목차(Index)-
프롤로그(Prologue). 테마여행신문 TTN Korea 영어고전(English Classics) 999선을 읽어야 하는 7가지 이유
조명화 편집장의 10가지 키워드로 읽는 니콜로 마키아벨리(Niccolo Machiavelli)
01. 피렌체 공화국의 정치학자 겸 사상가(1469~1527)
02. 전술론(Art of War)(1521)
03. 희곡 만드라 골라(La Mandragola, The Mandrake)(1524)
04. 로마사 논고(Discourses on Livy)(1531)
05. 군주론(The Prince)(1532)
06. 피렌체사(Istorie Fiorentine)(1532)
07. 마키아벨리 3대 저작
08. 니콜로 마키아벨리(Niccolo Machiavelli)를 만나는 10가지 장소
09. 오디오북(Audio Books)으로 듣는 니콜로 마키아벨리(Niccolo Machiavelli)
10. 니콜로 마키아벨리(Niccolo Machiavelli)의 어록(Quotes)(30)
니콜로 마키아벨리의 로마사 논고Ⅰ(Discourses on the First Decade of Titus LiviusⅠ by Niccolo Machiavelli)(1531)
Niccol Machiavelli To Zanobi Buondelmonti And Cosimo Rucellai Health.
BOOK I.
Preface
I. Of the beginnings of Cities in general, and in particular of that of Rome
II. Of the various kinds of Government; and to which of them the Roman Commonwealth belonged
III. Of the accidents which led in Rome to the creation of Tribunes of the People, whereby the Republic was made more perfect
IV. That the dissensions between the Senate and Commons of Rome made Rome free and powerful
V. Whether the guardianship of public freedom is safer in the hands of the Commons or of the Nobles; and whether those who seek to acquire power, or they who seek to maintain it, are the greater cause of commotions
VI. Whether it was possible in Rome to contrive such a Government as would have composed the differences between the Commons and the Senate
VII. That to preserve liberty in a State, there must exist the right to accuse
VIII. That calumny is as hurtful in a Commonwealth as the power to accuse is useful
IX. That to give new institutions to a Commonwealth, or to reconstruct old institutions on an entirely new basis, must be the work of one Man
X. That in proportion as the founder of a Kingdom or Commonwealth merits praise, he who founds a Tyranny deserves blame
XI. Of the Religion of the Romans
XII. That it is of much moment to make account of Religion; and that Italy, through the Roman Church, being wanting therein, has been ruined
XIII. Of the use the Romans made of Religion in giving institutions to their City; in carrying out their enterprises; and in quelling tumults
XIV. That the Romans interpreted the auspices to meet the occasion; and made a prudent show of observing the rites of Religion even when forced to disregard them; and any who rashly slighted Religion they punished
XV. How the Samnites, as a last resource in their broken fortunes, had recourse to Religion
XVI. That a People accustomed to live under a Prince, if by any accident it become free, can hardly preserve that freedom
XVII. That a corrupt People obtaining freedom can hardly preserve it
XVIII. How a free Government existing in a corrupt City may be preserved, or not existing may be created
XIX. After a strong Prince a weak Prince may maintain himself: but after one weak Prince no Kingdom can stand a second
XX. That the consecutive reigns of two valiant Princes produce great results: and that well-ordered Commonwealths are assured of a succession of valiant Rulers by whom their power and growth are rapidly extended
XXI. That it is a great reproach to a Prince or to a Commonwealth to be without a National Army
XXII. What is to be noted in the combat of the three Roman Horatii and the three Alban Curiatii
XXIII. That we should never hazard our whole fortunes, where we put not forth our entire strength; for which reason to guard a defile is often hurtful
XXIV. That well-ordered States always provide rewards and punishments for their Citizens; and never set off deserts against misdeeds
XXV. That he who would reform the institutions of a free State, must retain at least the semblance of old ways
XXVI. That a new Prince in a city or province of which he has taken possession, ought to make everything new
XXVII. That Men seldom know how to be wholly good or wholly bad
XXVIII. Whence it came that the Romans were less ungrateful to their citizens than were the Athenians
XXIX. Whether a People or a Prince is the more ungrateful
XXX. How Princes and Commonwealths may avoid the vice of ingratitude; and how a Captain or Citizen may escape being undone by it
XXXI. That the Roman Captains were never punished with extreme severity for misconduct; and where loss resulted to the Republic merely through their ignorance or want of judgment, were not punished at all
XXXII. That a Prince or Commonwealth should not defer benefits until they are forced to yield them
XXXIII. When a mischief has grown up in, or against a State, it is safer to temporize with it than to meet it with violence
XXXIV. That the authority of the Dictator did good and not harm to the Roman Republic; and that it is, not those powers which are given by the free suffrages of the People, but those which ambitious Citizens usurp for themselves that are pernicious to a State
XXXV. Why the creation of the Decemvirate in Rome, although brought about by the free and open suffrage of the Citizens, was hurtful to the liberties of that Republic
XXXVI. That Citizens who have held the higher offices of a Commonwealth should not disdain the lower
XXXVII. Of the mischief bred in Rome by the Agrarian Law: and how it is a great source of disorder in a Commonwealth to pass a law opposed to ancient usage with stringent retrospective effect
XXXVIII. That weak Republics are irresolute and undecided; and that the course they may take depends more on Necessity than Choice
XXXIX. That often the same accidents are seen to befall different Nations
XL. Of the creation of the Decemvirate in Rome, and what therein is to be noted. Wherein among other matters it is shown how the same causes may lead to the safety or to the ruin of a Commonwealth
XLI. That it is unwise to pass at a bound from leniency to severity, or to a haughty bearing from a humble
XLII. How easily men become corrupted
XLIII. That men fighting in their own cause make good and resolute Soldiers
XLIV. That the Multitude is helpless without a head: and that we should not with the same breath threaten and ask leave
XLV. That it is of evil example, especially in the maker of a law, not to observe the law when made: and that daily to renew acts of severity in a City is most hurtful to the Governor
XLVI. That men climb from one step of ambition to another, seeking at first to escape injury, and then to injure others
XLVII. That though men deceive themselves in generalities, in particulars they judge truly
XLVIII. He who would not have an office bestowed on some worthless or wicked person, should contrive that it be solicited by one who is utterly worthless and wicked, or else by one who is in the highest degree noble and good
XLIX. That if Cities which, like Rome, had their beginning in freedom, have had difficulty in framing such laws as would preserve their freedom, Cities which at the first have been in subjection will find this almost impossible
L. That neither any Council nor any Magistrate should have power to bring the Government of a City to a stay
LI. What a Prince or Republic does of necessity, should seem to be done by choice
LII. That to check the arrogance of a Citizen who is growing too powerful in a State, there is no safer method, nor less open to objection, than to forestall him in those ways whereby he seeks to advance himself
LIII. That the People, deceived by a false show of advantage, often desire what would be their ruin; and that large hopes and brave promises easily move them
LIV. Of the boundless authority which a great man may use to restrain an excited Multitude
LV. That the Government is easily carried on in a City wherein the body of the People is not corrupted: and that a Princedom is impossible where equality prevails, and a Republic where it does not
LVI. That when great calamities are about to befall a City or Country, signs are seen to presage, and seers arise who foretell them
LVII. That the People are strong collectively, but individually weak
LVIII. That a People is wiser and more constant than a Prince
LIX. To what Leagues or Alliances we may most trust, whether those we make with Commonwealths or those we make with Princes
LX. That the Consulship and all the other Magistracies in Rome were given without respect to Age
부록(Appendix). 세계의 고전을 여행하는 히치하이커를 위한 안내서(The Hitchhiker’s Guide to Worlds’s Classics)
A01. 하버드 서점(Harvard Book Store) 직원 추천 도서 100선(Staff’s Favorite 100 Books) & 판매도서 100위(Top 100 Books)
A02. 서울대 권장도서 100
A03. 연세필독도서 고전 200선
A04. 고려대학교 세종캠퍼스 권장도서 100선
A05. 서울대, 연세대, 고려대 공통 권장도서 60권
A06. 성균관대학교 오거서(五車書) 성균 고전 100선
A07. 경희대 후마니타스 칼리지(Humanitas College) 교양필독서 100선
A08. 포스텍(포항공대) 권장도서 100선
A09. 카이스트(KAIST) 독서마일리지제 추천도서 100권
A10. 문학상 수상작 및 추천도서(44)
A11. 영어고전(English Classics) 오디오북을 무료로 듣는 5가지 방법(How to listen to FREE audio Books legally?)
A12. 영화·드라마로 만나는 영어고전(Movies And TV Shows Based on English Classic Books)
테마여행신문 TTN Korea 영어고전(English Classics) 999선
테마여행신문 TTN Korea 도서목록(1,235)

저자소개

니콜로 마키아벨리 (지은이)    정보 더보기
르네상스 시대 피렌체 공화국의 외교관, 정치학자, 역사가, 극작가이다. 그는 1469년 5월 3일 귀족 가문 출신의 법학자인 베르나르도 디 니콜로 마키아벨리와 바르톨로미아 디 스테파노 넬리의 둘째 아들로 태어났다. 유명한 귀족 가문 출신은 아니었지만 인문학적 재능이 뛰어난 마키아벨리는 1494년 메디치 가문이 몰락할 무렵 피렌체의 공화국 10인 위원회의 서기장이 되었으며, 외교 사절로서 신성 로마 제국 등 여러 외국 군주에게 사절로 파견되면서 독자적인 정치적 견해를 구축하였고 그는 1498년부터 1512년까지 피렌체 공화국 제2 서기국의 서기장을 역임했다. 1512년 스페인의 침공으로 인해 피렌체 공화정이 몰락과 동시에 메디치 가문이 재집권하게 되면서 마키아벨리는 공직에서 박탈당했다. 1513년에는 메디치 가문에 대한 반란 음모에 가담한 혐의로 투옥되었다. 감옥에서 갖은 고초를 겪고 고문을 당했지만, “조국에 대한 나의 충성은 나의 가난이 증명하고도 남는다.”라고 결백을 주장했다. 얼마 후 메디치 가문 출신인 교황 레오 10세가 선출되자 교황 특사로 석방 되었고 그는 다시 공직 생활을 하기 위해 메디치 가문의 새로운 군주에게 알현하여 『군주론(Il Principe)』을 헌정하는 등 많은 노력을 했지만 끝내 외면당하고 만다. 그 후 『로마사 논고(Discourses on Livy)』, 『전술론』, 『피렌체사』 등 저술 활동에 힘쓰면서 공직복귀에 많은 노력을 했다. 1527년 5월 메디치가문의 정권이 무너지고 공직에 복귀하려고 시도했지만 끝내 뜻을 이루지 못하고 그해 6월 21일에 급성 복막염으로 58세의 나이로 생을 마감하게 된다. 마키아벨리에 대한 평가는 극단적으로 나뉜다. “근대 이탈리아 민족주의의 아버지”라는 긍정적 평가가 있는가 하면 “악의 교사(敎師)”라는 부정적 평가도 있다. 그러나 그의 정치철학은 토마스 홉스, 존 로크, 장 자크 루소의 사상과 더불어 근현대 정치학의 계보에서 매우 중요한 위치를 차지하고 있다는 점은 모두 인정한다.
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